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Moen Broadens Offering of Reflex(R) System With New Styles at The Home Depot


NORTH OLMSTED, OH, May 31, 2012 (MARKETWIRE via COMTEX) —
Bring modern convenience to your kitchen with the new Moen(R)
Benton(TM), Haysfield(TM) and Kleo(TM) pulldown kitchen faucets.
Available at The Home Depot, all feature the Moen Reflex(R) System,
which offers unmatched performance with exceptional range of motion,
generous reach, self-retraction and secure docking.

“Today’s homeowners really want ‘everything including the kitchen
sink,'” said Andrea Conroy, director of retail marketing, Moen.
“Style, finish, price and especially functionality are all important
considerations when it comes to kitchen faucets… and Benton,
Haysfield and Kleo provide the solution for all.”

The Benton, Haysfield and Kleo pulldown kitchen faucets each feature
a consumer-friendly, multi-function pulldown wand allowing users to
switch between several water-flow patterns with the touch of a
button, including powerful spray, aerated stream and Moen’s handy
pause button. The Benton faucet features bold and handsome lines; the
Haysfield and Kleo faucets offer graceful arcs — all offering
attractive styling at the kitchen sink.

The new Reflex System addresses and improves upon three key
components of the pulldown kitchen faucet experience:

1. Exceptional Range of Motion
Reflex features an ultra-flexible
hose, allowing for easy maneuverability. The system also includes a
ball swivel joint between the hose and wand, providing a wide range
of motion and effortless, natural response.

2. Generous Reach
The ample hose length found in Reflex faucets
allows users to effortlessly accomplish tasks in and around the sink.
Now, filling a nearby coffee pot, refreshing the dog’s water or
cleaning hard-to-reach corners of the sink can be achieved with
minimal effort, with the help of Reflex.

3. Smooth and Secure Retraction
It’s hard enough to maintain an
attractive kitchen, without having to worry about your faucet wand
staying securely and attractively in place. With Reflex, your
pulldown sprayer travels easily in and out of the faucet without
additional assistance, and maintains its position when not in use.

Additionally, each faucet features the Moen 1255(R) Duralast(R)
cartridge for a consistently smooth handle feel, as well as the Quick
Connect installation system, which snaps the faucet and supply lines
together with a telltale “click” for a quick, easy and secure
connection.

Benton faucets are available at The Home Depot in Moen’s exclusive
Spot Resist(TM) Stainless ($198)* — a unique finish that actually
resists water spots and fingerprints — and Mediterranean Bronze
($218)* finishes. The Haysfield faucet, which offers a coordinating
side soap dispenser ($228)* and Kleo faucet ($198)* are available in
Spot Resist Stainless. All three faucets are ADA compliant and offer
a limited lifetime warranty.**

For more information about the new Moen Benton, Haysfield and Kleo
kitchen pulldown faucets, visit moen.com or call 1-800-BUY-MOEN
(1-800-289-6636).

*Prices are approximate and may vary within regions.
**See

www.moen.com for additional warranty details.

About Moen
As the #1 faucet brand in North America, Moen offers a
diverse selection of thoughtfully designed kitchen and bath faucets,
showerheads, accessories, bath safety products and kitchen sinks —
each delivering the best possible combination of meaningful
innovation, useful features, on-trend styling and lasting value.

Moen is part of Fortune Brands Home Security, Inc.


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,
which creates products and services that help fulfill the dreams of
homeowners and help people feel more secure. For more information,
please visit
www.fbhs.com

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        Contact:
        Kristi Stolarski or Alissa Kiktavy
        Falls Communications
        (216) 696-0229
        kstolarski@fallscommunications.com or akiktavy@fallscommunications.com
        
        
        


SOURCE: Moen Incorporated



        mailto:kstolarski@fallscommunications.com
        mailto:akiktavy@fallscommunications.com
        


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Modest crowds at Casserole Nights

Quebeckers of all kinds have marched in the streets over the past week beating on casseroles. Some are making noise over the emergency Law, #78, which they say unduly restricts rights. Others are showing their anger over a planned tuition hike of $254 per year—the very thing that prompted paralyzing nightly protests in Montreal and Premier Jean Charest’s desperate response.

Just as Quebec student leaders and government negotiators sat down on Wednesday in Quebec City to continue talks to end the student “strike,” the rest of Canada was asked to show support for the pot-bangers by drumming on their own cookware at Casseroles Night in Canada events.

But turnout was modest, suggesting that (so far) the Rest of Canada is staying out of the fight.

Wednesday night’s crowds were most impressive in Toronto where 1,000 gathered in Dufferin Grove Park. That said, finding 1,000 people to a march in this city of 5 million people isn’t exactly difficult. Occupy Toronto enticed roughly 3,000 to its march on Oct. 15, 2011. The crowd of Tamil Canadians who marched to draw attention to Sri Lanka’s civil war in 2009 was more than 2,000.

In Guelph, an Ontario university town, only an estimated 75 to 100 people showed up to bang pots and pans on Wednesday. In Hamilton, home to McMaster University, just 60 marched. In Kitchener-Waterloo, the estimate was more than 100. In Regina, Sask. the crowd was about 50. In Victoria, B.C. it was more robust 200. In the nation’s capital, Ottawa, police suggest 400 turned out.

For comparison’s sake, the crowd marching in Montreal on March 22 was estimated at 200,000.

So why the unimpressive crowds? Perhaps it’s because students are busy working at summer jobs. Or perhaps we should consider the other theory floating around: that students outside Quebec simply don’t feel as hard-done-by when it comes to tuition. The Toronto Star’s Martin Regg Cohn suggests at least one reason to explain the relatively docility of Ontario’s tuition protests so far:

[Ontario premier Dalton] McGuinty had the good fortune—or political smarts—to pre-empt such protests by promising a 30 per cent rebate on tuition for eligible families in the 2011 election campaign. Even if students are upset about increased fees, it’s hard to rally your classmates when they’ve just received a cheque in the mail.

As the Canadian Federation of Students Ontario (CFS-O) points out, many students don’t get the 30 per cent rebate, so there are plenty who have reasons to feel angry about paying tuition approaching $7,000. But at least 200,000 Ontarian students got rebates of up to $1,625 earlier this year, and that would make just about anyone feel their government cares about cost of school.

Perhaps future student protests in the Rest of Canada will be bigger. Perhaps not. So far, many students outside Quebec appear unmoved.

Josh Dehaas is the editor of Maclean’s On Campus. Click to like us on Facebook.

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Lessons from NC defeat

Chad Griffin, gay news, Washington Blade

Incoming HRC President Chad Griffin is one of two principal partners in Armour Griffin Media Group, which was paid to produce TV ads in North Carolina’s amendment fight. (Photo courtesy of AFER)

In the week leading up to the May 8 vote in North Carolina on a proposed state constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage and civil unions, officials with the campaign opposing the amendment said they believed they had a shot at defeating it.

“We were on conference calls where they were saying we are in striking distance,” said lesbian journalist and commentator Pam Spaulding of North Carolina, who publishes the LGBT political blog Pam’s House Blend.

“The campaign was saying 11 points and closing — that we were knocking in half the gap every week that they started the final [campaign] assault,” Spaulding told the Blade.

According to Spaulding, at an election night gathering in Raleigh, campaign leaders and volunteers who worked to defeat the amendment were stunned when the State Board of Elections announced the amendment passed by a 61-39 percent margin.

“Were their numbers that far off or did they know the numbers and were not disclosing them,” Spaulding asked in discussing the information released by the opposition campaign to bloggers. “How could they be 21 points off?”

Officials with the Coalition to Protect All North Carolina Families, which operated the campaign opposing Amendment One, said the numbers they cited were from the polling firm Public Policy Polling, which showed support for the amendment down to 55 percent in the week before the election.

“There were a lot of polls, and they were all across the map,” said Stuart Campbell, executive director of the statewide LGBT advocacy group Equality North Carolina and a member of the opposition campaign’s seven-member Steering Committee.

“We actually had internal polling back in January that showed close to 70 percent — around 67 to 68 percent — in favor,” he said. “So we actually do believe we moved it anywhere between seven and 10 points.”

In addition to Equality North Carolina, the organizations represented on the Steering Committee, whom officials said made all key decisions for the campaign, included the Human Rights Campaign; the ACLU of North Carolina; Faith In America; Replacements, Ltd., a gay-owned company that sells upscale dinnerware; Self-Help, an LGBT supportive credit union based in North Carolina; and Southerners on New Ground (SONG), a North Carolina group that promotes progressive causes.

In late December or early January the Steering Committee retained the Los Angeles-based Armour Griffin Media Group to produce the campaign TV ads. Officials said the campaign retained the company months before they learned that Chad Griffin, one of the two principal partners in the firm, was to be selected as the new HRC president. Campaign finance records show the campaign paid the company $66,000 for its media work as of May 11, the close of the most recent campaign finance reporting period.

Campbell and campaign co-chair Alex Miller said the campaign built important alliances with progressive groups, LGBT supportive churches and religious leaders, and leaders of the African-American community that would benefit the LGBT community for years to come.

One of the most important developments, Campbell and Miller said, was the decision by the NAACP of North Carolina to come out against the amendment. Under the leadership of Rev. William Barber II, the state’s NAACP president, the historic black civil rights organization activated its chapters in counties across the state to speak out against the amendment.

Barber told the Blade that he believes a majority of black North Carolinians voted against the amendment despite claims by some media outlets that polls showed a majority of blacks favored the ballot measure.

Ray Warren, a former North Carolina circuit court judge who’s familiar with the state’s voting trends and demographics, said a review of the vote in most parts of the state showed that all of the state’s large cities and urban areas voted against the amendment. In what he called a dramatic contrast, all of the rural counties and nearly all of the suburbs outside city boundaries voted for the amendment.

Ninety-two of the state’s 100 counties voted for the amendment. Each of the eight counties voting against it included cities or urban-oriented towns with universities within their boundaries.

According to Warren, in a development rarely seen in the state, black and white voters appeared to vote alike, with majority white and majority black precincts voting for the amendment in rural and suburban areas. In cities and urban centers, majority black and majority white precincts voted against the amendment, Warren said.

Debate over campaign message

Brent Childers, gay news, Washington Blade

Brent Childers, executive director of Faith in America, said the campaign could have been more effective in challenging and refuting religious arguments used to support Amendment One. (Photo courtesy of Childers)

Some LGBT supportive observers wanted to know whether the message projected by the campaign opposing the amendment in TV ads and other media amounted to the best means possible to persuade voters to reject the amendment.

Marriage equality supporter Brent Childers, executive director of the North Carolina-based group Faith in America, which challenges what Childers calls the “misuse” of religion to deny rights to LGBT people, said the campaign could have been more effective in challenging and refuting religious arguments used to support Amendment One.

Still others, including North Carolina lesbian activist Mandy Carter, joined Spaulding in expressing concern that the opposition campaign mostly “de-gayed” its messages in TV ads by stressing the harms the amendment would have on straight unmarried couples.

Campaign officials dispute these claims, saying the campaign aggressively embraced its support for marriage equality for gays and projected that message through many campaign venues, including online videos as well as TV ads.

The campaign recruited a lesbian mother to appear in one of the three TV ads aired shortly before the election. Campaign officials told the media in a press release that the woman and her same-sex partner rely on the partner’s employee health insurance to provide coverage for their daughter.

But in the TV ad the woman isn’t identified as a lesbian. While driving a car with her child sitting next to her she says Amendment One would likely result in the loss of her daughter’s health insurance.

“[It’s] because we’re not married,” she says in the ad, referring to her partner. The partner’s gender isn’t mentioned.

“If you’re watching it on television there’s no way to know,” Spaulding said, referring to the woman’s sexual orientation.

Campaign officials said they believe the ad was effective in showing how the amendment would have serious consequences for unmarried couples, gay or straight, and it likely persuaded some voters to oppose the amendment.

In a series of interviews, pollsters, campaign officials, political analysts affiliated with North Carolina universities, representatives of LGBT advocacy groups, and LGBT supportive straight allies provided the Blade with a wide range of opinions addressing these questions.

Most agreed, however, that private polls commissioned for the campaign as well as polls conducted by other pollsters showed that a solid majority of North Carolinians oppose same-sex marriage on religious grounds. They noted that the same polls showed that a campaign and vote framed only around the question of whether gays should be allowed to marry would result in a certain defeat for the pro-marriage equality side.

Leaders of the Coalition to Protect All North Carolina Families said they chose an “evidence-based” approach of using the best possible research from privately commissioned polls to develop the message they ultimately used.

That message focused on how Amendment One goes far beyond banning same-sex marriage and, among other things, would ban civil unions for gay and straight couples. It could also lead to a wide range of harmful effects on all unmarried couples, gay and straight, and their children, the group stressed in its “messaging” campaign.

Advocates of this approach noted that an existing law in North Carolina already prohibited same-sex marriage and that an amendment to the state constitution doing the same thing was unnecessary.

Supporters of the amendment disputed that assertion, saying a constitutional amendment was needed to prevent a court from overturning the state’s existing law banning same-sex marriage. They noted that gay rights advocates had already filed at least one lawsuit challenging the existing gay marriage statute.

Political observers noted that after blocking a constitutional ban on same-sex marriage for years under Democratic Party leadership, the state legislature approved a proposal to place the issue before the voters in 2011 after Republicans gained control of the legislature for the first time in decades in the 2010 election.

Over the strong objections of many Democrats and some Republicans, supporters of the amendment worded it in a way that expanded its scope beyond just marriage.

Amendment One states, “Marriage between one man and one woman is the only domestic legal union that shall be valid or recognized in this State.”

The amendment adds, “This section does not prohibit a private party from entering into contracts with another private party; nor does this section prohibit courts from adjudicating the rights of private parties pursuant to such contracts.”

Legal experts in the state have said the amendment’s definition of marriage as the “only domestic legal union” would place in jeopardy rights and benefits currently being offered to gay or straight unmarried couples, such as domestic partner benefits offered by private companies or local governmental entities like cities and towns, including health insurance benefits and hospital visitation rights.

The Coalition to Protect All North Carolina Families cited legal experts who said safeguards against domestic violence might also be jeopardized by the amendment, with the possibility that a court could no longer issue a legal “stay away” order for a partner accused of physically abusing the other partner if the couple were not married.

“We saw that all these terrible things could happen,” said Stuart Campbell, executive director of the state LGBT advocacy group Equality North Carolina and a member of the Steering Committee of the campaign opposing the amendment.

Supporters of the amendment, led by the state group Vote for North Carolina Marriage and the anti-gay National Organization for Marriage, said claims that the amendment would impact health insurance benefits, domestic violence protections or child custody rights were unfounded.

Campbell said the Coalition to Protect All North Carolina Families’ Steering Committee initially hired the LGBT supportive polling firm Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research headed by pollster Anna Greenberg. In an effort to get a second opinion, the Steering committee a short time later retained Lake Research Partners, another LGBT supportive campaign research firm headed by pollster Celinda Lake. Both firms have long-established records of helping to win elections for mostly Democratic candidates and progressive causes.

Lake was the pollster in the 2006 campaign opposing a proposed same-sex marriage ban in Arizona that was defeated by voters, the only such ballot measure to lose in more than 30 states across the country that voted on such a measure. Observers said the measure lost in Arizona because most voters disagreed with the additional restrictions it would place on unmarried couples, similar to the “harms” cited by opponents of Amendment One in North Carolina.

Two years later, Arizona voters approved a same-sex marriage ban that didn’t include the additional restrictions on unmarried couples.

Lake told the Blade that the North Carolina campaign stressed the harms Amendment One would cause to gay and straight unmarried couples, including the children of such couples, but it was not modeled directly after the Arizona campaign since the two states have different voter demographics and political traditions.

Lake said her early polling in North Carolina conducted to test different messages clearly found that a message of the potential harm Amendment One would cause for unmarried couples, gay and straight, children of these couples, and women threatened by domestic violence resonated with many voters. Among other things, a significant number of voters who planned to vote for Amendment One changed their position and stated in her poll that they would vote against it after learning about the amendment’s impact beyond banning same-sex marriage, Lake said.

Lake described as historic the North Carolina campaign’s use of a TV ad asserting that Amendment One would harm children, saying it represented the first time a campaign opposing a ballot measure seeking to ban same-sex marriage has argued that such a proposal would harm children.

She noted that in all previous campaigns, supporters of anti-gay ballot measures argued that same-sex marriage would be harmful to children. In North Carolina, the campaign against the amendment turned the tables on the anti-marriage equality forces, opening the way for this “game-changing” strategy in future battles against ballot measures seeking to ban same-sex marriage, Lake said.

When asked why Amendment One passed by a 61 percent to 39 percent margin despite the use of the “unintended consequences” and harm to children strategy, Lake and others working with her on the campaign cited the campaign’s lack of sufficient funds to pay for more TV ads and their inability to begin airing the ads sooner.

Jeremy Kennedy, the campaign manager hired by the coalition Steering Committee to carry out the committee’s game plan, said more than 60 percent of the $2.8 million raised by the campaign came in during the last few weeks leading up to the May 8 election.

The three TV ads the campaign used didn’t begin airing until the state’s early voting had already started about 15 days prior to Election Day.

“I was surprised that the opposition campaign didn’t get on the air sooner,” said Wake Forest University political science professor John Dinan, who said he followed the campaigns for and against the amendment.

“To move voters you need to put on TV ads much sooner,” he said.

Kennedy said that in the last few weeks of the campaign, donors began to respond when some outside polls, including those conducted by the firm Public Policy Polling, showed the projected vote for the amendment dropping to about 55 percent.

“If we all had our way and we had early money we would have done several months of TV,” Kennedy said.

Kennedy, 34, is a native of Texas who moved to D.C. in 2007 to work on the presidential campaign of Hillary Clinton. After Clinton dropped out of the presidential race following the primary season in 2008, Kennedy took a job with the Human Rights Campaign’s field department in Washington.

In 2010 he moved to Maine to work on the gubernatorial primary campaign of Democrat Elizabeth “Libby” Mitchell, who won the primary but lost the general election to Republican Gov. Paul Lepage. Following that campaign, Kennedy went to work as a state field director for the Maine Democratic Party.

He next went to Rhode Island to work on the legislative effort in the state to pass a same-sex marriage law. The legislature changed course and approved a civil unions bill rather than a marriage law. Shortly after returning to Maine, which he considers his home state, Kennedy was recruited to North Carolina last December, where the Coalition to Protect All North Carolina Families hired him as campaign manager to work for the defeat of Amendment One.

One source familiar with the campaign said the Steering Committee awarded Kennedy a $5,000 bonus near the end of the campaign. Another source expressed concern that money for the bonus would have been better used to pay for additional media ads.

Campbell declined to confirm the amount of the bonus, saying it was a personnel matter that would not be appropriate to discuss publicly. However, he added, “It was not such a large amount that it would make a difference in the media campaign.

“I have nothing but good things to say about Jeremy,” Campbell said. “I think he did an excellent job. He ran the campaign that we hired him to run.”

HRC spokesperson Fred Sainz agreed with Campbell’s assessment of Kennedy.

“In everyone’s estimation – including ours – Jeremy Kennedy is a superstar!” Sainz said in an email to the Blade. “This campaign brought together a diverse coalition that left behind an infrastructure in North Carolina upon which we can build upon for progressive politics and gay rights.”

Sainz said that while the loss was a big disappointment, ballot measures banning same-sex marriage passed in the other Southern states by an average of 75 percent in past years. He said the 61 percent to 39 percent margin of approval of a gay marriage ban in North Carolina shows “amazing progress among Southerners and Americans in general on the issue of marriage equality.”

Approval by voters in Virginia of a state constitutional ban on gay marriage in 2006 by a margin of 57 percent marked the only Southern state with support for such an amendment at a lower percentage than North Carolina. Florida passed such an amendment with a margin of 62 percent in 2008. South Carolina approved a marriage ban amendment by a 78 percent margin of approval in 2006.

Campbell and campaign co-chair Miller said reports by some critics that the campaign ended with a significant surplus and that the campaign chose not to distribute yard signs to urge voters to defeat the amendment were not true.

The campaign distributed as many as 15,000 yard signs opposing Amendment One in mostly urban areas throughout the state, campaign officials said.

Miller said that the campaign’s finance report filed on May 21 showing a $92,317 surplus was based on incomplete data. Bills for media-related expenses and other expenditures had yet to be paid at the time of the report’s filing deadline. He said final expenses would be shown in a final, end-of-the-year report to be filed with the election board.

“We were pretty much down to the last penny,” he said of the campaign’s spending.

‘Mood is grim’

A 17-page memo that Greenberg sent to the campaign Steering Committee on Dec. 6, 2011, a copy of which the Blade obtained, says her polling found that a significant number of voters were inclined to change their vote from “yes” to “no” on the amendment after they learned of the potential harmful impact it would have, including its prohibition against civil unions and overall harmful effects on children.

Greenberg noted in her memo that many voters who opposed same-sex marriage did not object to civil unions for gay or straight couples.

But unlike Lake, Greenberg stated the overall prospects for defeating Amendment One were not encouraging even when the “unintended effects” were spelled out to prospective voters.

“The mood is grim — and conservative — in North Carolina,” she said in the memo. “North Carolina shocked the country by delivering its electoral votes to Barack Obama in 2008. The world has since turned,” she wrote in the memo. “Half of this (special) electorate describes their feelings toward Obama in negative terms,” she added in discussing her poll findings.

A source familiar with the campaign, who spoke on condition of not being identified, said Greenberg made it clear she didn’t think a victory was possible for the opposition side. Instead, she recommended the campaign adopt a strategy that would educate voters and help their opinions in favor of marriage equality for a future campaign, the source said.

“We would not complicate this issue with a discussion of the impact this would have on straight, unmarried couples, despite the Arizona experience,” she wrote in her memo. “Voters’ moral judgment is not expended entirely on the LGBTQ community as voters here have problems with unmarried straight couples living together as well. An additional focus on straight couples does not make enough difference to justify muddying up your message,” she said in the memo.

She said her memo was based on a survey of 600 likely special election voters in North Carolina taken Nov. 16-21, 2011. She said her poll, which had a margin of error of plus or minus 4 percent, found that 66 percent of the voters surveyed supported Amendment One, with 30 percent opposing it.

“More information and messaging reduced down the margin so by the end of the survey the support side leads by 24 points (59 percent favor, 36 percent oppose),” she said of the poll.

Greenberg’s adjusted poll numbers, reflecting the “messaging” that opponents used in the campaign, came close to the 61 percent to 39 percent outcome of the election nearly six months later.

Similar to Lake, Greenberg noted in her memo that opponents of Amendment One would need to invest in an extensive media campaign to educate voters of the harms the amendment would likely cause LGBT people and others.

Kennedy told the Blade that despite the fact that the campaign came close to meeting its $3 million fundraising goal, far more money was needed to educate voters that polls showed would switch from support to opposition of the amendment if they knew it went beyond just banning same-sex marriage.

Rev. Barber of the NAACP said the media were partially responsible for the lack of voter education.

“The folks who brought this forward framed it on whether you support gay marriage on religious grounds,” he said. “And the media fell for this. They should have made it clear that this was a constitutional amendment that would take away rights.”

He added, “The NAACP saw a dangerous pattern. We saw the rights of a minority being put up for a popular vote. The media never asked the right questions.”

Childers of Faith In America said he attempted but did not succeed in persuading the campaign to directly respond to attacks against same-sex marriage by religious groups and leaders. He said Faith In America, which was co-founded by gay businessman Mitchell Gold, believes the opposition vote would have been considerably higher if the campaign addressed the religion issue “head on” in TV and other media ads.

Childers noted that the campaign opposing the amendment, among other things, should have responded to religious leaders’ claims that same-sex marriage is against God’s will. The Rev. Billy Graham was among the religious leaders in the state to come out for the amendment.

When told that sources familiar with the campaign said campaign officials were reluctant to question or challenge voters’ religious beliefs, Childers said, “That’s one of the fallacies that frankly our own community have fallen prey to. Any person that has spent much time at all in a religious environment knows that religious teachings are questioned all the time,” he said.

“If you look at the voice of history it is crystal clear when it comes to misuse of religious teachings to justify prejudice and discrimination against minorities,” Childers said. “We have concluded as a society on a number of occasions that that is simply a moral failing as a society.”

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Chapman praises late coach on Benahavis return

Roger Chapman paid an emotional tribute to his late coach George Will as he spoke to the European press for the first time since his incredible US Senior PGA Championship presented to KitchenAid victory, ahead of this week’s Benahavis Senior Masters. The Englishman said his attendance was never in doubt this week at La Quinta Golf and Country Club, in the Benahavis region of Southern Spain, despite the commitments that come with winning the year’s first Senior Major.

Speaking at a press conference at La Quinta which was attended by press, golf fans and players including Costantino Rocca and Bob Cameron, Chapman was asked what he was thinking going down the final stretch at Harbor Shores last week, and he gave a passionate response.

“I’ll tell you the one thing I was thinking about; my old coach George Will,” said the former European Tour winner. “That was the only thing I was thinking about. George was a very special man in my life. I met him when I was 13. He was like a father figure to me.

“It was the Saturday before the Mauritius Commercial Bank Open in 2010 that he passed away and I tried to win that tournament for him. I had a two shot lead coming down the last and David Frost eagled it and I lost in the play-off so I was disappointed not to win it for George that day.

“That’s basically all I was thinking for the last eight holes at Harbor Shores. My mind started to wander because, being a few shots in front, your mind tends to go a bit haywire. There were instances where I was walking down the fairway and had tears in my eyes, even with six holes to go. You shake yourself off and try and play the next shot but that was all that was on my mind at that stage.”

Chapman’s win has been met by an overwhelming response from his fellow professionals at the Benahavis Senior Masters this week, and the 53 year old admitted he has been extremely humbled by the reception he has received.

“They have been so warm in their congratulations,” he said. “It’s genuine and it’s reciprocated because we’re all in this sport together and it’s a gentleman’s sport. John Cook, on losing last week, was magnanimous in defeat – a proper gentleman. A few of the players hung around afterwards even though they had to get flights and they were great, so it was a special moment.”

The Managing Director of the Senior Tour, Andy Stubbs, praised Chapman, saying a win such as this was “inevitable” for such a great player, while two time Ryder Cup player Manuel Piñero said: “I never doubted that Roger would win a Major tournament on the Senior Tour and it won’t be the last”.

Speaking about this week’s Benahavis Senior Masters, Chapman said: “I’m just going to enjoy it. If I win I win, if I don’t I don’t but it’s just going to be a wonderful experience walking down the fairway as the US Senior PGA Champion. It was never in doubt that I would come to this tournament.”

Chapman will be among a strong Senior Tour field competing for an increased prize fund of €200,000 for the fourth edition of the tournament on Spain’s Costa del Sol.

Former Ryder Cup Captain Mark James will be searching for his first win since 2009 as he returns to the venue where he sealed his best result of last year, when he finished tied second behind Carl Mason, who returns to defend his title.

Amongst the local favourites at La Quinta will be the nine time European Tour winner Piñero, who designed the course over which the Senior Tour’s third tournament of the season will be played.

Four-time Senior Tour winner Juan Quiros is also in the field, as are his fellow Spaniards José Maria Cañizares, Antonio Garrido and Miguel Angel Martin, who will make his first appearance at the Benahavis Senior Masters having turned 50 earlier this month.

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Cast Iron Pans: Myth Or Fact: Do You Know the Difference?

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Jerry McGahan, Company CEO, discusses the Skillet Frying Pan controvesy

Jerry McGahan, CEO of Skillets More

Its only when you know the cookware facts that you can cook with confidence.

Kingston, NY (PRWEB) May 31, 2012

Its summer time again and its the time that bacteria grows the best. There are so many sources claiming to be an expert on the cast iron pan care and cooking, the Skillet More company did an extensive review to find legitimate trustworthy sites. Knowing who are the industry experts is a great first step in getting accurate, reliable information.

For health reasons therefore it is important to be able to separate fact from myth. There are many people who believe that it will ruin their cast iron skillet frying pan if they use soapy water to clean their pan. The true is if a cast iron pan is used often then it should just be cleaned with a paper towel or a clean cloth and then be put away. If the pan has been sitting unused for six months or longer then wash it with soap and water then re-season with before using according to the manufacturer’s instructions.

There are other popular myths which are not particularly dangerous to one’s health but they can end up costing the skillet pan owner money. There is the belief for instance that once a cast iron pan shows any signs of rust, then it must be thrown away because it is no longer repairable. In fact even a rusty cast iron rusty frying pan can be fixed and made useful again.

Then there is the belief that metal utensils will scratch a cast iron pan and as a result ruin it to the point that it is no longer useable. While it is true that cooking experts like David Kellaway of the Culinary Institute of America’s San Antonio recommend against the practice of using metal the reason is not because it will ruin the cast iron pan. The reason has to do with the thin layer of carbon getting scratched up into the food giving it a discolored look. Therefore the recommendation is to use either a wooden or silicone utensil for cleaning the pan.

Does a cast iron skillet really heat as evenly as an aluminum pan of the same size? The true in fact is that cast iron pans do indeed distribute the heat as as well as an aluminum pan of the same size. They also retain heat for a long time which make them a perfect pan for keeping food warm. That’s why people love them. However, they are not widely used commercially and there’s a reason why this is so.

Just about everyone though agrees that these types of pans last forever if they are cared for properly. Its just a matter of separating fact from fiction and they involve more maintenance than a non-stick type of pan. Visit the iron pan product page to learn more about these and other cooking myths.

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Cucina Enoteca mixes food with furniture

That burlap-backed white dining chair? It’s for sale at $306. The caged light fixtures with glass ornaments? $250. The metal-topped table with wood legs? From $750 to $1,750.

You can’t buy these items off the floor at Cucina Enoteca, but you can peruse the décor and furniture menu (yes, there is such a thing) then place an order or buy the merchandise at the restaurant’s online shop.


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By design, the mid-priced eatery that opened in December at the Irvine Spectrum Center also is a store that carries the same furniture, décor and wine that’s used in the dining areas and bar.

To be sure, the concept of a restaurant having an adjacent shop is nothing new in O.C. The Tommy Bahama restaurants in Corona del Mar Plaza and downtown Laguna Beach have always had adjoining stores that stock clothing and accessories. The market section of Zinc Café Market in Corona del Mar sells cooking, baking and dining items, including restaurant-grade cake plates.

Restaurants themselves have long been great places to look for inspiration in décor, but it’s uncommon for customers to buy a chair exactly like the one that they just sat on. Often, restaurant furniture and décor at stylish restaurants are custom-designed and/or made to order and are not readily available for purchase from a store or are simply pricey for the average diner.

That’s why from a purely retail standpoint, Cucina Enoteca’s restaurant-as-showroom concept is novel. Tracy Borkum, owner of Urban Kitchen Group in San Diego, the parent company of Cucina Enoteca, came up with idea after fielding frequent customer queries about where to buy the pendant lights or the chairs at Cucina Urbana in the Banker’s Hill district of San Diego.

The Irvine restaurant looks like its older sibling, but with its larger quarters and mall location, the company had an ideal opportunity to flesh out and emphasize the store aspect, said Mike Rutherford, director of marketing and development for Urban Kitchen Group. And by store, Rutherford is referring to the furnishings and wine offerings.

At Cucina Urbana, the wine shop is located in the rear of the restaurant and “takes a backseat,” Rutherford said. In contrast, at Cucina Enoteca, the wine shop is one of the first things that diners will encounter when they reach the host stand.

And like the wines served at the table or sold at the shop, the furnishings are not extravagantly priced, considering that they are hand-crafted, Rutherford said. “The furniture is as reasonably priced as possible.”

There are multi-purpose kitchen boards from $15 to $21 and a pair of salad serving utensils for $16. Kitchen towels with hand-printed themes such as rooster, cabbage or apple pie from Valentine Viannay are $19 apiece.

Borkum collaborates on the design with craftspeople and artists mostly in San Diego but also in other parts of Southern California and Canada for the customized furniture and décor for the restaurant as well as for the replicas that are sold through the e-commerce site and the furniture menu available at the host stand.

The white faux leather and burlap and chairs are made by Javier Estrada, president of Wood Metal Design in Chula Vista. The stencil-decorated wire-cage light fixtures are handcrafted by Jennifer Price, whose studio is in Solana Beach. The wire orange chairs in the patio are from a Los Angeles-based company called Bend, founded by designer Gaurav Nanda. With all of these items, Borkum looks for three things: artisanal, handcrafted and whimsical, Rutherford said.

Diners aren’t the only ones clamoring for the furniture. “We’ve had inquiries from other restaurants,” Rutherford said.

Although the décor of the restaurants originated in San Diego, it’s the Irvine location that’s getting a lot of attention from the design press, including popular websites such as Apartment Therapy. California Home + Design, a regional interior design and architecture magazine, recently devoted a full page to Cucina Enoteca.

Given all that attention going to the décor, Borkum and her team face the question of whether the retail aspects might overshadow the cuisine. “We’re trying to balance all of that out and seeing how it plays out at the Spectrum,” Rutherford said. “We’re a restaurant first and foremost.”

Yet, the Urban Kitchen Group team knows it has to strike while things are red-hot. It just added apothecary items to its store at Cucina Enoteca. And signature tablecloths – which customers have asked about — are in the works.

Contact the writer: lliddane@ocregister.com or (714) 796-7969

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Bloc pots

There’s clearly something going on in Montreal. Something exciting, inspiring and altogether awesome. The only thing is, the rest of Canada has no idea. But every night at 8 p.m., Montrealers of all stripes are hitting the streets and making noise. Franco, anglos and pretty much whoever are grabbing old pots and pans, wooden spoons and ladles, and they’re walking the streets, causing a ruckus. It’s statement is that the students are not alone in their grievances, but parents, businessmen and the elderly alike are concerned about the way their country is being run, and a government that seems to put its own interests before those of the people.

Whereas the rest of Canada might see a bunch of bohemian babies boo-hooing about paying more for tuition, here in Quebec, there is a genuine sense that the system is flawed, the government has overstepped its boundaries with Bill 78 and that while change might be difficult or near-impossible, that doesn’t mean we’re just going to bend over and let the government take a ride down the Her­shey highway for free. The least we can do is get out there and make some noise about it.

Unfortunately, the images that filter out to the rest of Canada are mostly shots of anarchists and the black bloc smashing windows, shooting off fireworks at riot cops and getting faces full of tear gas, or overly aggressive riot cops dishing out copious amounts of unwarranted pepper spray on the general public (paging Constable 728). The feeling here is not one of malice or wanton destruction, but rather one of camaraderie, how we’re all in it together. Walk around some Plateau neighbourhoods and it isn’t vitriolic chants of “Fuck la police” you’ll hear but rather a gleeful cacophony, a symphony of banging that’s a celebration of life and how liberating and affirming it is to declare your beliefs to the world (by the way, A Symphony of Banging also happens to be the title for my imaginary X-rated Mozart biopic). If you haven’t done so already, I encourage you to go out there and join the din, if only as an exercise in people watching. Perhaps you’ll see people you never expected: the neighbourhood MILF chatting with a Has­sid woman, a guy in an Armani suit tapping his BlackBerry on his titanium water bottle, some Outremont moms banging Le Creuset cookware, idealist kids with stupid Che Guevara shirts cheering on a topless guy on rollerblades with a cowbell, the grumpy old Greek lady that sits on her stoop and usually swears at kids now cheering everyone on. It’s actually quite something.

However, for all the elated noise Montrealers are excited to make right now, I worry for the future. By “worried about the future” I don’t mean “the children,” because they all have runny noses, say the darnd­est things and think they’re better than me because they grew up with the Internet. And don’t get me started about babies, which are basically worm-like parasites that shit themselves all the time and cry for stupid reasons like being hungry or getting dropped on their heads because you were drunk when your brother asked you to hold him. Nor am I concerned about what will happen to our precious festival season, since, as regular readers of my column may know, it is one of my most reviled times of the year. In fact, nothing would please me more than to have F1 celebrations broken up by a bunch of stinky hippies smacking cookware. Perhaps that group of protest clowns can infiltrate Just For Laughs and cause some mayhem and do a JFL Gags that involves tear gas. Maybe Jazz Fest goers would be better off listening to hundreds of people unsuccessfully keeping time using cheap cooking utensils instead of the mind-numbing muzak that plays during the day at the Place des Festivals. While I am concerned for the small businesses that may lose out because of protests during festival season, I am all too giddy at the idea of tourists being bombarded by random people making noise, quite simply because I used to live on Jazz Fest grounds and those jerks have ruined many of my days with their noise.

So no, that’s not the future I’m worried about; rather, I wonder how this will translate in the long term, specifically when elections roll around. For all the clanging and banging, will these same peo­ple remember to put their vote where their pots are? Last year’s federal election voter turnout was 62.2 per cent, up from 61.1 per cent the year before. Within Canada that is pretty average, but we could be better. The truth of the matter is, unless people continue to take action outside of the streets and to truly engage with politics, then all this clanging and banging will just end up being noise for nothing.

RIFF.RAFF.MTL@GMAIL.COM

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